Pathways to a Global Deal?

Pathways to a Global Deal?

The June round of UNFCCC negotiations ended with a draft negotiating text for the Long-Term Cooperative Action track and five additional draft protocols submitted for consideration at the big Conference of the Parties in December in Copenhagen (COP 15). The Kyoto Protocol track closed in even more chaos. There was no agreement to forward proposed protocol amendments for consideration in Copenhagen, including a draft schedule of emissions cuts by developed (Annex 1) countries during the second commitment period. Faced with a passing deadline and no draft emissions cuts, a coalition of parties led by Brazil, submitted their own draft amendment language (and schedule of emissions cuts) and they weren’t the only party to do so. Their submission came with strong language accusing developed countries trying to destroy the global compact, language which was echoed in only somewhat milder tones in the hallways. Before we head into the next round of meetings on August 10th, now seemed like an opportune time to revisit the question of how the tracks may or may not merge. (Merging Tracks: Orderly Yield or Head On Collision)

For months there has been a sense that if the parties could hash out a political deal, a legal form could be found to fit it. This was the case with the early environmental agreements, where each one broke quite new ground. But process and precedents trumps all in a multi-lateral negotiation of this scale and history. All amendments (either to the Convention or the Kyoto Protocol) and all new protocols had to be submitted to the Secretariat at least six months prior to the Conference of the Parties where they would be considered. During the June meeting, the six month notification period before COP 15 closed. So now we know exactly what amendments and protocols are on the table to consider in Copenhagen; 5 draft protocols for the Convention and several competing Kyoto Protocol amendments. We’re also left with a 200 page LCA negotiating text and no clear idea of the legal form it will or can take, now that the six month window has closed. The LCA text will occupy 100% of the agenda time in official meetings between now and Copenhagen on the LCA track and the five competing protocols will only be officially discussed at the final meeting in December. In the meantime, unofficial meetings, hosted by the parties supporting the various protocols, will be held on the sidelines. The official Kyoto Protocol meetings will be absorbed with work on decision text to forward to the COP and it is unclear where or how the amendments will be negotiated, though they have more flexibility to use their official meeting time to negotiate the amendments.

All of a sudden, discussions on legal form have blossomed and rapidly become as polarized as the debate on emissions targets. How did we end up with this tangled web? The trouble centers around how best to incorporate the US in a global deal, since everyone is quite clear now that US accession to the Kyoto Protocol is not in the cards. Read the rest of this entry »

Using Landsat images of Bolivia taken in 1984 and 2000, the dramatic deforestation of the Bolivian rainforest is clear.

Bolivian Rainforest 1984.

Bolivian rainforest, 2000

Bolivian rainforest, 2000. Using Landsat images of Bolivia the dramatic deforestation is clear.

I picked up two great resources on Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD) in Bonn last week. They’re both useful guides to the policy landscape in this very complex issue.

The first, Moving Ahead with REDD: Issues, Options and Implications, published by The Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), is an overview of the key REDD issues and policy options. CIFOR is a member of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research, also know as the CG system or CGIAR, the research system that helped to bring us the Green Revolution. CIFOR is also a member of the Collaborative Partnership on Forests (CPF), a group of 14 CG and UN system organizations whose work intersects with forests. Both networks or collaborations are doing a great deal to bring the forestry issues to the table in a rigorous and sustainable way.

Confused about additionality? Wondering what all this talk about satellites, radar and lidar is about?  Baffled by the financial flows?  Moving Ahead with REDD is  a great 120 page guide to the basic issues and the policy options to address each one. Each option is evaluated on its environmental effectiveness, its cost efficiency (greatest reductions at lowest cost) and its equity, both between countries and within countries. It’s clear there are no silver bullets or clear winners for most of the issues we face in designing REDD policies, but the tradeoffs become clearer in this guide. It’s a resource I’ll be reaching for regularly, whether reading parties’ submissions to the negotiations or writing analysis of the current state of play. Read the rest of this entry »

Here at the UNFCCC climate negotiations, the discussion about how to include disaster risk reduction in the negotiation text on adaptation is heated. When the section was first reviewed in the large-scale plenary there were parties who worked to minimize its place in the text. This springs from a nuanced discussion about compensation for the damage caused by climate change. While it seems both cost effective and responsible to add risk reduction to our adaptation strategies since it will prevent human suffering, there is a worry that it’s a way for developed countries to blame poor countries for the catastrophes that will happen and avoid paying for damages. It’s a touchy issue on both sides, to say the least.

global-assessment-coverAt a side event yesterday here at the climate negotiations, the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UN-ISDR) presented their Global Assessment Report on Disaster Risk Reduction. They have analyzed disaster data since the 1950’s and it is clear that both mortality and economic losses are on the rise. There has been an increase in severe weather, but there is also an increase in non-weather damages. More people and assets are in the wrong place at the wrong time. The data reveals a complex picture. While mortality is driven by large events (the Asian tsunami, massive hurricanes) the vast majority of economic losses are driven by smaller scale, local events, most of which are weather related. The poor and small countries take the biggest long term hit when disaster strikes as the damages create a negative feedback with poverty, wiping out the meager resources of poor families and setting them back, sometimes for generations. Children from Hurricane Katrina refugees are still lagging their peers in school, for a parallel US example.

The authors identify three drivers for increasing risk; deficient urban and local governance, dependence on vulnerable, usually rural, livelihoods and declining ecosystem services. You’ll notice that climate change is not listed as a driver of increasing risk.  They identify it as a magnifier as opposed to a driver. Perhaps it seems semantic, but if you are a small island nation looking for compensation for loss of territory, as some 40 likely will be in the coming decades, the difference is important. It represents a difference in paradigm about risk. We cannot control the weather (though we could stop stacking the deck in the wrong direction) but we can limit our exposure or increase our resilience. The vast differences in mortality during an event (sometimes as great as 200 to 1) between developed countries with building codes, land use planning and functioning infrastructure and the sprawling informal settlements in the developing world with fragile housing stock built in wastelands with no infrastructure like drainage point to our ability to manage risk to save lives, despite climate change. Success stories like Bangladesh’s approach to flooding also highlight that wealth is not the deciding factor in accomplishing risk reduction.  However, this makes deciding who’s at fault for how much of the death and destruction, the local institutions or the wealthy polluters, impossible to sort out.

What struck me most about the event though was how this difference in viewpoint – that we all can take our own actions to reduce risk in our communities – is radically different from the discussion of adaptation to climate change impacts in the climate negotiations. Here, the developing world is portrayed as the victim of the selfish ravages of the developing world’s pollution, and to some extent, that’s true – our pollution is very much complicating development.  But in the Hyogo Framework for Action, which is the global agreement on disaster risk reduction that led to this report, developing countries are equal peers with the developed world. Rather than this deeply seated blame game, the disaster risk reduction paradigm gives countries autonomy.  They can make their citizens safer, their economies more resilient, without waiting around for an adaptation finance package or permission to get started from their donors or peers.

I’m sure I’m oversimplifying and the actual negotiation and implementation of the Hyogo Framework was no simple matter.  But the difference in paradigm highlighted for me the caustic nature of frame that the climate negotiation operates within. I’m still convinced that our pollution is causing damage and we need to both radically decrease it and pay something for the inevitable damage. But it’s unhelpful to treat developing country governments as either blameless, since they have a responsibility and a self-interest to protect their populations, or helpless, since they can control to a greater or lesser degree, the drivers of increasing risk.

As the global community develops a framework for adaptation, it’s important to ensure that those who are most vulnerable maintain autonomy and are not considered helpless children, either to make a moral case or to ensure a flow of finance. They are full-fledged partners in building the sustainable world we need to all survive and thrive in the coming years.

My short update on agriculture in the UNFCCC negotiations has been posted on Grist.

Agriculture and forests - the boundaries are unclear at best. Image by Faisca

Agriculture and forests - the boundaries are unclear at best. Image by Faisca

Over the last six months, agriculture has come to be the new hot topic in the international climate discussions. All of a sudden, there are side events, party submissions and policy papers sprouting out of the previously out-of-bounds fields. I’m sure there was behind the scenes work to start with, but now it has a momentum all its own. Maybe it’s just a natural progression from trying to incorporate forests more completely in the global deal. Once you start working on the carbon in forests, you start thinking about wetlands which also store tremendous amounts of carbon for very long periods of time. Those arguing to protect peatlands have been making bits of headway for the last year in the negotiations. Then you start thinking about soil carbon more globally and how agriculture, erosion and land degradation release carbon from the soil in tremendous quantities. (Tim Flannery in The Weathermakers actually posits that it was our move to agriculture that stabilized the climate 10,000 years ago and that the Holocene will eventually be renamed the Anthropocene.) When you add in the drivers of deforestation (poor energy access in the developing world and agriculture / pasture encroachment, among other reasons) you end up worrying about agriculture in your policy design.

In the end, we have only one planet, with a finite (and shrinking) quantity of land (and even less of it arable with a decent or stable water supply) and a finite potential to produce biomass. We have lots of uses for that biomass; food, fiber, fuel, fodder and carbon storage just to name a few. We can’t deal with just one use in isolation, because changing the economics or practices for one use has ripple effects on all the others.

Add to the equation that climate change already in progress is likely to disrupt all of those ecosystems, from the forest industry in the Pacific Northwest to the wheat crops in Australia and everything in between. Then add population growth and changing tastes as affluence spreads. Feeding 9 billion people on less land with less predictable weather, while increasing our biofuels production and saving our standing forests and intact peatlands is suddenly a very, very complex problem. I don’t subscribe to the Malthusian idea that we’ll hit the wall and face catastrophe, but the wall exists and avoiding it requires real cooperation and ingenuity.

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